Category Archives: capitalism

People’s Politics Is Not About People – the Lesson ‘Progressive’ Politics Taught Me

Note: this writeup is largely an ‘insider’ criticism about the ‘radical left’ that the writer has come in contact with, online and offline, mostly in Kolkata.

A few experiences with ‘progressives’:

Case 1: “He’s brilliant, y’know, he topped the Joint Entrance Examination! This organization has excellent members, many medical and engineering student.” – is how I was informed about a certain students’ organization. Many of the members of the organization often took pride in the academic records of their own and the fellow members. They took pride in the educational institutes which were ‘centres of excellence’. I saw some of them recently organizing a talk on meritocracy and the problematic conceptions of merit.

Case 2: A discussion was organized. The discussion was attended by quite a few, including students, some of them Dalits and Adivasis, who participated in the discussion. The chief speaker, however, was an upper caste teacher with no history of regular participation in anti-caste struggles. No one said a word when this speaker spoke. No one asked about his neighbourhood, the demographics, the flat-owners. However, there were several interruptions of enquiry – about landholding, demographics etc. in his village – when an Adivasi student was speaking right after him. The discussion was about caste oppression, organised by a platform against caste violence in college campuses.

Case 3: A conference was to be organized in protest against some atrocities. The progressives sat together to decide which persons to invite as speakers. The speakers’ list was decided according to how important the mainstream media finds the speakers.

Case 4: “Ew, look at all the fat on him!” said one progressive person, pointing at a fellow comrade. Another progressive fellow, at a different moment, said to a girl, “you’re pretty!”

Case 5: A progressive person, in a public meeting, described a girl, “she doesn’t do much, she just walks around the campus wearing shorts,” progressively making it a point to mention her clothing.

Case 6: A progressive fellow, eloquent in his description of alienation in the society and the cruelties of capitalism, mentioned of someone, “he’s a waste, he’s just a depressed guy who can’t stick to one job.” On another occasion, the fellow said to another guy, “it’s a low-skill job, which is why you’re paid so low.”

Case 7: A progressive election of committee members – one progressive fellow who has been part of the previous committee calls some others aside, and asks whether they would like to be a part of the new committee. One of them says this cannot be decided like this, others too must opine. Then, the member proposes the names in the meetings, and asks if anyone objects. No one does, and thus the committee is elected.

Case 8: A progressive fellow writes in a magazine that a ‘glorious minority’ emerging from ‘castles’ of progressiveness, which happens to be two of the elite educational institutes of the city of Kolkata, will possibly play a crucial role in ushering in progressive social change (or something of the sort).

Case 9: One progressive to another, “you need to get him into our organization before someone else recruits him into theirs! He seems to be hanging out more with them. What are you doing?”

Case 10: One progressive, at the dissociation from ‘JNU Nationalism’ in a statement condemning anti-Kashmiri violence and RSS-ABVP-media’s role in shutting down discussions on Kashmir, said that she could not stand for ‘militant anti-intellectualism’.

And so on. What I meant to say is that in its practice, as far as I have seen in my limited experience of them in Kolkata, ‘progressive’ politics often marginalizes the vulnerable, the shy one, the ‘ugly’ one, the one who’s struggling to carry on in a world that is so cruel to them, the ones without much ‘social capital’ and upholds the ones with it, just like the rest of the society does, as long as they sing its tune. It talks about debates and discussions, but finds ways to shut down interactions and forms mutually antagonistic cocoons within the ‘progressive’ circles, often through outright slander.

I know I too am far from its vices. I’ve been insensitive, casteist, patriarchal, ableist and so on, and I still often am. This is not guilt-mongering, this is the admission of a problem which needs at least an attempt at a solution. Similar problems exist in various ‘progressive’ quarters, those I am acquainted with, with very little admission, and far less attempts at finding a solution. Take the case of caste. Leftist politics, the kind I’ve seen and have been a part of, owes much to Dalit-Adivasi movements and articulations in developing its understanding of caste oppression and it still has a long way to go, but I’ve hardly seen many admitting to this contribution of Dalit-Adivasi politics (which now compels even the arch-elitist leftists to give a lip-job in condemning the conventional idea of merit and meritocracy). Interestingly, many of the voices critical about Dalit politics (‘identity politics’) do not ascribe any general negative description to left politics. I have come across a post on Facebook strangely describing Salwa Judum as ‘identity politics’, since Salwa Judum talked about getting rid of non-Adivasi ‘outsiders’ from Adivasi-inhabited lands. I wondered if the same poster would also draw an analogy between Marxist-Leninist leftist politics and proponents of theocracy, since the former speaks of a group of ‘vanguards’ who are of an ‘advanced consciousness’ and thus more fit to be leaders, quite like the theocrats who find their religious leaders to be of advanced consciousness. I wondered whether the leftist who described the Dalit-Bahujan web-platform Round Table India as ‘cynical’ (as if after all these years of ignoring and marginalizing the caste issue, there is no reason to be cynical) would also describe Kafila, a website run by various university professors and ‘scholars’, as casteist, if such general descriptions are to be given to them. At the same time, I am hardly acquainted with the various strands of Dalit politics, but I’ve come across constitutionalist, patriarchal, elitist assertions claiming to be propagating the anti-caste cause.

There is no ‘pure’ human being, not even close, nor can there be in this society where one’s self-preservation and gratification are often at odds with those of others. The term ‘progressive’ assigned to oneself is thus often little more than vacuous self-aggrandizement. Yet we must engage with each other, and find modes of socialization that are beneficial to all parties involved. We should engage with all, and at the same time, while oppression exists, we should all have relatively ‘safer spaces’, for it is hard to imagine a person who is not oppressed in some ways. This is cliché, but needs repetition – if the gratification of one rests on the subjugation of another, then that is a problem. Even the informal social networks that we create are often based on hierarchies within, which we need to be mindful of and guard against. We need to stop celebrating social capital in all our engagements. It is NOT politics against oppression where oppressed people don’t get much space to express their thoughts. Neither does it help when various kinds of oppression go unnoticed. We need to get greater participation for all in a political process, find out ways in which people are wrongly excluded from greater and more meaningful participation, and try to resist them.

by Sutanaya


A Report on Caste Oppression That Has Not Seen the Light of the Day

At a time when Dalits are protesting all over the country over Rohith Vemula’s death, we must realize it is pent up anger against institutional casteism, systemic Brahmanism – it is not just about the death of one “scholar who did not use his SC quota” only “who loved reading Carl Sagan”. Those who need such justifications to appease their casteist notions of merit and ‘deserving victim’, either need to mend their ways or step aside, lest they get burnt in the fire of passion that is raging in the country right now. “A Specter is haunting Brahmanism” as a poster read, but not just that of Rohith, but that of a Dalit upsurge, a caste based rebellion. Rohith’s suicide  murder just ignited a volcano waiting to explode.  It only makes sense now to produce a piece on caste oppression that has not been printed in official media (according to the essay itself) – not only because it contains accounts of caste based discrimination but also precisely because it was rejected by Brahmanical media on grounds that there wasn’t “enough proof”.  No peace without justice. 

Rohith – We Shall not Forget, We Shall not Forgive

From Gutta Rohith’s Facebook post:

By Shahina Nafeesa (Translation- Renu Ramanath)

2010 September: To reach the village of Chinthula in Ranga Reddy District you have to travel around 60 kilometers from Hyderabad. That journey was in search of the home of R. Balaraj, who had been a Ph.D Scholar at Central University of Hyderabad. Balraj was researching on Telugu Literature. During the second year of his Ph.D. Balraj hung himself to death. He would have become the first Ph.D. holder from his community, even from his locality. In the tiny, two-roomed house made of laterite there were Balraj’s father, mother, two sisters and brother. He was the only literate one in the household. All others did their caste occupation: tethering cattle. Continue reading A Report on Caste Oppression That Has Not Seen the Light of the Day

Anukul Chandra – A “Baba”, His Followers and Us

সেই কাল থেকে পাড়ায় অনুকুলচন্দ্র ঠাকুরকে নিয়ে আদিখ্যেতা চলছে। পুরো আদিখ্যেতার সিস্‌ন তো – দুর্গা পুজো, কালী, লক্ষ্মী, বড়দিন (অবশ্য হয়ত অধিকাংশ হিন্দু বাঙালীদের কাছে মুসলিম কোনো অনুষ্ঠান কেবল একটা ছুটির দিন মাত্র, কাজেই এর মধ্যে মুসলিমদের কিছু থেকে থাকলে সেটাকে “সিস্‌ন” এর প্যাকেজের বাইরেই রাখলাম) – তার ওপর এই অনুকূল বাবা। সত্যি বলতে কি লোকটাকে বা এই “কাল্ট” নিয়ে বিশেষ কিছুই জানতাম না। এতই ঝাঁট জ্বলছে ন্যাকামোগুলো মাইকে বাজাচ্ছে বলে যে খানিকটা বাধ্য হয়েই একটু গুগ্‌ল মারলাম। তো লোকটা ছিল ব্রাহ্মণ এবং কাস্টিস্ট। বর্ণ বিভাজনে এবং “সবর্ণ” বিবাহকেই একমাত্র উচিত পথ বলে প্রচার করতেন। আর নারী সম্পর্কে এই অনুকূল বাবার কি বক্তব্য? “প্রকৃত” ভালো নারী একমাত্র সেই-ই যে নিজের ভেতর মাতৃত্বের গুণগুলোকে যেমন দয়া, মায়া, স্নেহ, ক্ষমা, সতীত্বকে বাঁচিয়ে রাখে, না হলে সে কীসের নারী? নারীদের সম্পর্কে অনুকূলের এইরূপ সব পুরুষতান্ত্রিক “হিতপদেশ” “নারীর নীতি” নামক একটি সংকলনে পাওয়া যায় (অনলাইন ফ্রিতে আছে)।

Facebook page on Anukul Chandra
Facebook page on Anukul Chandra

 অন্যান্য বাবা-টাবাদের মতই যত সব আবল তাবল ব্যাখা দিয়েছেন “বিজ্ঞান” নিয়ে – কসমস থেকে শুরু করে বায়োলজি, সব কিছু নিয়েই। এটা তো ভণ্ড ঢাপ্পাবাজ বাবাদের চিরকালীন প্র্যাকটিস – গুলগাপ্পিগুলো “বিজ্ঞানের” মোড়কে প্রেসেন্ট করা। যাতে “অথেনটিক” শোনায়। প্রশ্ন উঠতে পারে – কেন তাহলে এই সব বাবাদের প্রতি নিবেদিত প্রাণ ভক্তরা নিউটনদের নিয়েই সন্তুষ্ট না থেকে এই বাবাদের কাছে যান। আসলে মধ্যবিত্ত থেকে শুরু করে নিম্নবিত্ত – সবারই অনেক না পাওয়া, দুঃখ থাকে। কিন্তু প্রাকৃতিক বা সমাজ বিজ্ঞান কখনই মিথ্যা আশ্বাস জোগাবে না। সেই শূন্যস্থানটা পূরণ করতে পারে কেবল ধর্ম বা অলৌকিকতায় বিশ্বাস।আর হ্যাঁ, হয়ত এইসব অনুষ্ঠানে গরীব বড়লোক সকলকেই দেখা যায়, কিন্তু এই সামাজিক আয়োজনগুলোকে অনুভূমিক মনে করার কোনো কারণ নেই। এ যেন সেই হ্যাবারমাসের “(বুর্জুয়া) পাবলিক স্ফিয়ারের” মত – আপাত দৃষ্টিতে দেখে মনে হবে যে সব শ্রেণীর মানুষ একসাথে এসে নিজেদের মধ্যে “সমান্তরালভাবে” আদান প্রদান চালাচ্ছে (এক্ষেত্রে তা ধর্মীয় আকারের)। Continue reading Anukul Chandra – A “Baba”, His Followers and Us

On the Politics of Happiness


Thanks to the years of efforts of women’s rights activists, today it has become obligatory at least within certain sections of society to problematize the private, even if reluctantly. Though much remains to be done, today we have something called the politics of pleasure, where even so-called consensual sex does not remain outside the purview of critical scrutiny. The dualisms of dominance and subjugated, active and the passive have been rightly recognized as worth rigorous examination. Close on the heels of feminist concerns, are those of the historically marginalized castes. The academic “mainstream” took a while to allow feminists to be taken seriously, but now Gender Studies or Women’s Studies courses are being initiated in some institutions and universities. Caste is getting special attention from a wide variety of social scientists who are drawing expertise from their own as well as other disciplines to enrich our understanding of how caste operates, discriminates and so on. Wherever applicable, race and ethnicity studies are also not that unpopular and works on these areas are getting appreciated.

All this is well and good. So what is the problem? The thing is, none of this operates in vacuum. When we “study” caste or class for instance, it should not escape our minds for one second that the researcher as well as the subject or context of study is also tied together in dynamically existing social relations. These relations will necessarily be of hierarchy and they will not cease to be even if one is say an Ambedkarite or Marxist researcher. In other words, the material, objective basis of class and caste (and other similar) relations are never suspended so that the researcher can have a “neutral”, unadulterated field of action. In the specific instance of India, class and caste (or other suitable categories if available for application) operate in a manner so as to make it very difficult to separate the intellectual-manual labor divide from Brahmanical tendencies, because of the well known exclusion of the non-Brahmanical castes from the right of education (in the sense we, the “educated”, largely mean it).

As is well known, the phenomenon of caste is progressively hierarchical, i.e. it is possible for one to move up the social ladder by becoming more Brahmanical. A notable way of achieving that is by being able to establish that their intellectual labor is now worth more (this valuation is obviously not in the conveniently calculable Marxian terms but in more intangible, subjective ways) than what they used to provide earlier. Now let us examine the practices of activists in the intelligentsia, in the academic world. Even though they may acknowledge superficially that they are in some ways privileged (alas to those who are privilege blind even at this level), they continue to celebrate and harbor a sense of superiority over those not considered so erudite, educated, intellectually gifted. It is not just the casteism inherent in the distant way the non-teaching staff of the institution is treated during an academic session. You find it in the way a particular intellectual, be it Arundhuti Roy or Meena Kandasamy, is given special attention for saying something quite plain, perhaps something that the not so celebrated guy on the street is also aware of, in one way or the other.

It is in this special privileging of a particular manner of articulation, of a particular arrangement of labor, which takes the form of being an intellectual and earning a certain credibility from an elite circle that is considered more valuable intrinsically, that the roots of Brahmanism lie. Indeed, it cannot be explained with precision in the sense as defined by the parameters set by the same casteist system that perpetuates such exclusionary, discriminatory tendencies. It lies in privileging intellectual labor over manual labor even as you express solidarity with the movements and struggles of that “uneducated” class. It is like the “white savior complex” that we find in most of the Hollywood that even remotely touches upon the race issue. Or closer home in the “male savior complex” in mainstream movies where it is the boy who has to salvage the situation and get ‘his girl’ out of trouble. I am not doubting the genuineness of the efforts of those who extend such solidarities and participate in working class movements and so on. I am just saying that it would be hypocritical to deny that when you upload your picture with a book written by you and which has just been published, you are not exposing the pleasures that you derive from the exclusionary establishment that the world of academics is. It may appear ridiculous to many to raise such objections about what appears to be a ‘simple display of excitement or happiness over one’s hard work’. However, let us not forget the time when it was considered pretty commonsensical that the only designated place for the woman is the kitchen.

by Kisholoy

Two Responses to the ‘World’ about Its Obsession with Alan Kurdi

A few weeks ago, a photograph of a toddler washed ashore became famous world-wide. Not only did the mainstream media receive it with the usual zeal with which sensational news is grabbed and broadcast, it also resonated with social media channels, wherein many people got something simple to express concern about. In a sense, it seemed to many that the ‘world’ had united for a common-cause, something linked to the salvaging if not (we don’t use ‘not just’) of human beings then of humanity for sure. Charlie Hebdo carried caricatures in its next issue that, many say, point to the decadence of European culture. We present below two responses.

Popular Art and photo-journalism are in crises


The questions for the first response are taken from what has been said of these two Charlie Hebdo cartoons.

“So close to the the end... Promo! 2 Combo children for the price of one”
“So close to the the end… Promo! 2 Combo children for the price of one”
“This proves that Europe is Christian. Christians walk on water. Muslim children drown.”
“This proves that Europe is Christian. Christians walk on water. Muslim children drown.”

Charlie Hebdo and their apologists argue that the true intent of these cartoons is to mock the systemic apathy of European culture, based as it is upon consumerism, reckless display of wealth, religious dogma, etc. On the other hand, CH has once more been accused of racism and islamophobia, of deliberate sadism targeting desperate populations. A glimpse of these debates can be seen here[i]. Continue reading Two Responses to the ‘World’ about Its Obsession with Alan Kurdi

Porn Matters, and Some More

Some thoughts on Ashley Tellis’ article Why Porn Matters:

Ashley opposes the blocking of porn sites, I too oppose the blocking of some porn sites. But I find it hard to relate to certain of Ashley’s approaches here.

Generally in India, invoking the category ‘Dalit’ would silence only a handful of people, given the casteist society we live in. So, without qualification, apparently generalized phrases like “It has become something of a piety to invoke Dalit women or just the category Dalit to silence critics on any given issue. Once one utters the word Dalit or adivasi, the opposition is silenced” come uncomfortably close to the casteist approach of ‘crying casteism’ – where people are falsely accused of ‘seeing casteism where it isn’t there’. I am also not comfortable with Ashley’s definition of the Dalit feminist as a sex-conservative, which he apparently gives in the statement “The Dalit feminist position on prostitution and bar dancing has become clear.” If one understands intersectionality, then one would see that such construction of the idea of Dalit feminism is anti-feminist, since never does Dalit feminism automatically include the stands on prostitution and bar dancing opposed by Ashley, even though certain people identified as Dalit Feminists may take those stands.

Secondly, the ban on the production and distribution of pornography has been there before the BJP government came in power. So Ashley is wrong in saying that this will push the domestic producers of pornographic content underground, because they already are. The recent move involved blocking some popular porn sites, some of which have been unblocked now.

If we are to judge this decision to block porn sites by whether it would affect the viewing of pornographic content by the people of India, then it can safely be said that there would be little success in that. People have DVDs, proxies, numerous other sites that the government has not managed to block yet, the forums and so on and so forth. So, useless in achieving their purpose, such blocks stoke the prevalent anti-pleasurable-sex attitude, which is to be strongly condemned and opposed.

Is access to pornography, which includes various kinds, helping create problematic images of sex in the minds of people? In many cases, yes. If so, is that reason enough to call for a total ban on pornography? No. Bollywood has been the misogyny factory since its inception, few are calling for a ban on Bollywood now. Erotic content needs to be discussed, analysed, criticized and not brushed under the carpet. The rights and plights of the workers involved in the production and distribution of erotic content deserve more articulation, so that the struggle towards a more just society can be waged better.

There is no denying of the fact that a lot of pornography demeans women, men, transpeople, agenders, asexuals, and even harms animals. When we are articulating our stances on erotic content, we must bring this fact into the foreground and think about ways in which the struggle against these can grow. Ashley stresses on the extremely important point of sex education, but does not elaborate on what effects the porn industry in its current state has, given there is no formal sex education. While we are opposing some of the blocks, let us also explore and articulate strongly the problems with so, so many of the porns, the kind of acts, dignity and wages the porn industry subjects to many of their workers, the kind of effects they have on the mindset of the viewers, without falling prey to sexual conservatism. (Ashley does condemn the exploitation in the porn industry.) The opposition to erotic content per se as exhibited by many in the society should be countered, but not with an approach like ‘yay for the porns we have, stop being such spoilsports’. The massive cultural influence of porns that are widely consumed needs discussion. And wouldn’t that be a potent tool to battle the sex-conservatives as well, if we could create an environment where a healthier discourse on erotic content is possible?

by Sutanaya

A Research Scholar as a Worker: Many Divergences

by Pratik Ali


To see through the aura of professional seriousness that surrounds oneself and others doing research in a university or similar academic environment can possibly lead to the realization that the said person is a worker like any other (alternatively, one may also come to the conclusion that the said person is a spy for the enemy nation, or part of some apocalyptic organization with really evil intentions). This realization appears especially clear when as research scholars, we begin to ask, Is all this really necessary for me to do? These questions throw light upon the absurdity of having to justify every claim beyond the minimum one decides for oneself, having to review a tonne of literature that still remains alien to oneself and unnecessary to one’s work, having to make the art of study and discovery into a systematic practice that should time and again be given to the ratification of the supervisor (whence it really becomes only a summary of existing findings), to attend conferences and present papers that claim more than they beget, to perpetually be questioned on output for getting due fellowships, to always be so tired down and shut out by this individualized research that disjunction from one’s peers becomes the norm, and so on. And then there is also the question, Where is all this going and why are we part of it? To which the answer is, each dissertation is adding to our, supervisor’s, department’s, university’s claim to being quality researchers, professors, departments and universities, and the more the citations, the reviews, the papers, the conferences, the more the university’s felt presence in the network of universities, the more the exchange of grants and man-power, not to speak of the (numerically) biggest function of the university, producing workers and managers for the market. The serious research scholar usually keeps away from the more naked manifestations of the market, and hence conceptualizes themself as not-a-worker; however, to do so, he must participate in keeping the university system up and running, the nature of which is not very different from the market, as we have seen glimpses of in this introduction. However, when we speak of the research scholar as a worker, we find certain traits in the work situations of the researcher as a class that mark them as an exception among most workers, which we shall see is mainly due to his class position. Below we note these divergences that keep the research scholar/researcher (I’m arbitrarily collapsing the two into one, and often and again pointing out the differences between the two) away from the large part of wage workers in present society.

Do researchers produce surpluses?

The largest number of researchers do, in fact, participate in finding ways for enhancing output or finding procedures that reduce costs. In this regard, though, the researcher is only finding a method. The researcher’s product is not similar to the factory worker who comes into direct contact with thousands of products at various stages of its production. We should note that people who ‘excel’ at ‘management’ have, in this case, a task which is similar to the researchers: methods to increase productivity from the workers, even if in those methods there may be substantial differences. Continue reading A Research Scholar as a Worker: Many Divergences

Socialism and Environment – Towards a Synthesis Beyond Marxism

At a time when a massive heat wave is claiming lives at an unprecedented rate in India, it is worthwhile talking about environment, even in the context of an admittedly “Bourgeoisie” environment day. There are a large number of NGOs, corporate social responsibility projects as well as political groups who clamor for attention over environmental issues. In the bigger scheme of things, certainly the corporate sponsored programs, that do not address larger issues that would expose the capitalist undercurrent of mainstream environmentalism, dominate the discourse. The Marxists and other leftists are at the forefront of theorizing over environmental concerns in the alternative paradigm. When we say alternative though, we must be a little careful, as there is a lack of idea of what a genuinely alternative blueprint will look like. It is this failure of mainstream leftists, particularly Marxists, to conceive of an alternative vision of a socialism that is ecologically and environmentally sensitive, that will concern us in the present article.
Continue reading Socialism and Environment – Towards a Synthesis Beyond Marxism

A Note on Caste and Class

Caste and Class are not separate concepts or projects

Jana Shatabdi trains are one of the prides of our middle classes. After Rajdhaani, it was the Shataabdis that offered us the dreams of speed and comfort (i.e., reservation) (and if one wants to see evidence for the expansion of the middle class and its dreams, one need only look at the increase in similar ‘comfortable’ services, not only in trains, but in air travel, education, housing, etc. etc. The state is basically taking up large amounts of commons and offering them to private capital to produce and consume).

class or caste?
caste or class?

 Jana Shatabdi trains run between important local cities. They stop at intermediate small-towns and district capitals, thus inviting a lot of people who travel daily for a living. All seats have to be reserved, but when daily commuters see empty seats, why would they stay back? That is why, Indian law permits for a person with a reserved ticket to make an unreserved traveler vacate “his/her” seat, whether pregnant or old or PH. And hereon, unreserved travelers keep increasing in the gangway between the two gates on the two sides of compartments, while “comfortable”, reserved travel takes place in the seats. In these kind of trains, these contradictions are merely visible; they are far more acute in long distance travel. Continue reading A Note on Caste and Class

On the Sociology of Leninist Organizations

Libcom, a vast repository of leftist materials on the internet, came out with a critique of Leninist organizations in December last year. It must be said that the author must be congratulated for taking up such a vital issue which seems to attract far lesser attention than it should get. The critique is based on a materialist analysis of class divided society and says that by such analysis it follows that an organization that wishes to fight capitalism and unite the working class must also be based on social practice. It uses the example of Socialist Workers’ Party to make its case. It would be worthwhile mentioning at this point that it was only last year that a major debate had been sparked off by the startling revelation of a rape being covered up in the SWP.  The debates too many shades but fortunately one of them took the line of critiquing the very foundational principles on which a Leninist organization is formed. The article from Libcom should be seen as a part of this rather recent legacy.

One may mention at this point that there have been debates going on regarding the formation of the Leninist party among stalwarts in the Marxist brigade like Lars Lih and Paul Le Blanc. However, these debates have been mostly confined within a Leninist framework, not really transcending that barrier. The present article in question is different in this sense because of its engagement with the Leninist organization from outside the Leninist school. Continue reading On the Sociology of Leninist Organizations